Religion, Policy and Politics: The Rules of Engagement
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Sat Dec 31, 2005 at 12:25:22 AM EST
Melissa Rogers is a church-state expert who deserves a wider audience. She comes from a Southern Baptist background, but she is a Bruce Prescott kind of Baptist, the kind of Baptist who deeply understands the political and religious importance of the separation of church and state. She recently published an op-ed piece about how the IRS should give congregations more specific guidance on tax rules. Last year she gave a memorable paper at the Faith and Progressive Policy conference sponsored by the Center for American Progress. Some excerpts:
The fact that religion, policy and politics are inevitably engaged in our country, however, does not mean that they should be engaged indiscriminately. Indiscriminate engagement would do great violence to our cherished national commitment to religious freedom, for example, by permitting a majority faith to seize the reigns of political power and to use that power to coerce those outside the faith to fall in line with majority beliefs and practices. Furthermore, while legal rules are necessary to protect national values, legal
rules alone are insufficient to guard against many of the dangers that arise in this area.
When religion and politics intersect, there is a tendency, for example, for religion to be
transformed from a spiritual force committed to non-political principles and
methodologies to simply another earthly political power. Thus, this intersection must be
mediated not only by law, but also by ethical and religious principles. [    ]

Clearly, the risks for moral and spiritual integrity in this realm are great. Prayers and
religious pronouncements in political settings often reek of false piety. Clergy have been
known to pull prophetic punches and dumb down theology in order to curry favor with
particular political powers. Religious people sometimes hurl verbal hand grenades in
public policy debates, calling those who dare to disagree "sinners" or "heretics." In
almost every political campaign, someone insinuates that a person cannot be a good
American if he or she is not a Christian or is not personally religious. Similarly, faith can
become nothing more than a thin veneer for nationalism. Another pitfall for religion in
its engagement in politics and policy is the common tendency of people to defend a
politician they like when he talks about his faith, but argue that it somehow crosses a line
when a politician they dislike says essentially the same thing. Likewise, many have been
tempted to argue that it is okay for religion to inform policies they favor, but that it
something different entirely when religion informs policies they oppose. In short, one
doesn't have to be politically savvy to recognize that false piety, venality, hypocrisy andacrimony tend to rush into the space where religion, policy and politics mix unless they are conscientiously restrained. [   ]

The following is a modest effort to describe a few such standards. It should be noted that these standards are not aimed at political success, but rather at ethical and religious integrity. First, religious individuals and communities should care more about being faithful than about being powerful. The point of politics is to gain power over the machinery of government. The point of religion is, broadly stated, to live life according to spiritual
principles. When these two vastly different systems intersect, religious people often find
themselves tempted to play by political rather than religious rules. Religious people must
resist this temptation. People of faith should not tweak their policy positions or the language they use to please political powers. Further, religious leaders must always bear in mind that their primary obligation is to speak truth to power, even if it means losing political access and status. Indeed, it is particularly clear that political parties do not operate on spiritual principles, and religious institutions need to remember that too close an identification with them is bound to undermine religious missions. Religious people also must swim against the tide by refusing to participate in the politics of personal destruction and by applying codes of
conduct in this area evenhandedly rather than selectively. Moreover, everyone who talks
about religion in public should search his or her conscience for true motives, and refrain
from performing this task for others.

Second, as religious individuals and communities, we should remember that we are
"God's servants," not his "spokespeople. " Representative Barbara Jordan offered this
wise advice to those who speak of religion in the public square: "You would do well to
pursue your cause with vigor, while remembering that you are a servant of God, not a spokesperson for God . . . and remembering that God might well choose to bless an opposing point of view for reasons that have not been revealed to you."32 This is not a call for moral relativism or an attempt to require abandonment of claims of exclusive
religious truth. Instead, it is an encouragement for all to express their views with humility and respect. [   ]

We also should call on our leaders to refrain from suggesting that American policies and programs are part of God's will, in part because this tends to create the dangerous impression that this country has a religious mission and that that mission is unassailable. While all elected officials bear these responsibilities, our presidents carry a special burden because they are the only leaders who represent the entire nation, both at home and abroad.




Display:
Thanks for posting this excellent paper, Carlos! I agree with Melissa Rogers's position that people of faith (and indeed, everyone else who creates community and defends democracy), should speak truth to power, and should state their beliefs with humility and respect. In particular, I agree with her statement, "Religious people also must swim against the tide by refusing to participate in the politics of personal destruction and by applying codes of conduct in this area evenhandedly rather than selectively."

When I apply those concepts to myself, and interrogate my own beliefs and behavior, it challenges me to do more of the following:

(1) Speak truth not only to powers with whom I generally disagree, but also to powers with whom I generally agree (e.g., even-handedly criticize  leaders from all political parties);

(2) Recognize and celebrate common ground with my political and theological opponents (e.g., find ways to acknowledge and appreciate positive statements and actions, all the more when there are serious disagreements).

I should stand ready to criticize Congressional leaders, regardless of party, when they fail to show moral courage, or when they trample the rights of the poor and downtrodden, or when they kowtow to dominionists. Likewise, I should stand ready to applaud Congressional leaders, of any party, who evince moral fiber on issues such as upholding the separation of church and state.

by jhutson on Sat Dec 31, 2005 at 10:24:14 AM EST


For many years, Americans have been tearing over the question of whether organized religion should play a pivotal role in politics or not. About 48 percent of peoples in America are willing to see churches to "express their views on every-day's social and political questions". On the other hand, 46 percent of them are of the view that churches should remain out of political matters.

In the meantime, over the last one decade or so, in search of key sources of violence, vacuity, susceptibility, and vitality, I have been examining the present and emerging relations between religion, politics, and the policy in some fifteen countries around the world through media - both electronic and print. Certainly, our own country, the United States, always lurks in the background as a comparative "fasten point". Furthermore, the project spans various forms of Christianity, Islam, Hinduism, and Buddhism, as well as political systems that range between dynamic democracies and strict one-party states.

On one hand, one common finding within this variety involves the very different relations between religion and politics, and religion and the state, on the other. Few will be amazed to learn that campaigning politicians all over tend to call upon local religious themes and symbols as sources of legitimacy. What may be more surprising is the frequent propensity for governmental regimes and their officials to try to keep religion at arm's length. While religion is often an ally in the pursuit of power, once power has been secured, religion can become an unwelcome constraint in the quite different processes of state administration.

The problem is worsened when one seeks not just to understand but to set down. But even here there are two likely errors. The first is to blunder ahead and set down one's own medicine for every patient, regardless of the illnesses and host conditions; the second is to pull back into a benighted relativism that treats every society as only analyzable in its own terms and only variable in its own fashion. The latter is especially problematic when it is merely a pose.

Let me end with a more personal postscript. Anyone engaged in comparative research learns early and often to take refuge in the phrase, "all else being equal." In addition, any American engaged in global analysis and prescription must be especially sensitive to our long tradition of triumphal exceptionalism.


by dogbert on Thu Jan 05, 2006 at 08:36:56 AM EST



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