Some Things Don't Change
Frederick Clarkson printable version print page     Bookmark and Share
Sun Feb 12, 2012 at 11:15:54 PM EST
This is a reprise of a piece I originally posted on May 16, 2007,titled: When Common Ground Means Capitulation -- to Falwell. It was written on the occasion of the death of Jerry Falwell; before the election of Barack Obama; before the health care debate; before the fiasco of the search for common ground on abortion. The role of E.J. Dionne in these matters has been a leitmotif for years, and one properly skewered by Rev. Peter Laarman almost five years ago (see below) and by Daily Kos front pager Armando, today when he writes: "E.J. Dionne breaks faith with progressive values." (Note: I have left the original comments, so before replying please note that they were made 5 years ago...) -- FC

I am finding it difficult to read much of the outpouring of opinion in the wake of the death of Jerry Falwell. The instant expertise about Falwell and about the Religious Right in general is not only often wrong, it is sometimes close to plagiarized, as I happened to notice in the case of one prominent journalist who does not often write about the Religious Right, but who banged-out a piece with apparently little more than a consultation of Falwell's Wikipedia profile. I guess that's the way it is in an age when everyone has to have an opinion about everything, but not actually know very much if it has anything to do with the Religious Right.  

Fortunately, it's not all bad. Amidst the mass bloviation there are some outposts of well-informed commentary; but there is one commentary in particular I'd like to highlight, and build a bit upon.

Rev. Peter Laarman, executive director of Progressive Christians Uniting in Los Angeles, offers two clear points at the Huffington Post.  The first, that the Religious Right ain't dead, seems to be a necessary if obvious point in need of perennial repetition. The other, is something we hear far less often: That the Religious Right is wildly succeeding because others have substantially capitulated in the name of  "common ground."

Not long ago I participated in a special convocation on faith, morality, and citizenship at the Yale Divinity School, my alma mater. Pundit/columnist E.J. Dionne, Sen. Gary Hart, and U.S. Rep. David Price (D-N.C.) were among the luminaries sparking conversation. Dionne and others tried to suggest that the era of the Christian Right is now drawing to a close and that we are moving toward a healthier middle ground, with big segments of Evangelical leaders breaking ranks with the hard right on issues of poverty, climate change, and overall foreign and military policy.

I demurred because (a) I think this viewpoint represents a misreading of what successful movement building means-and these Christian Right elders, with their networks and "universities" and media apparatus, undoubtedly were movement builders; and (b) I think this viewpoint underestimates how much the new so-called "common ground agenda" has already yielded to the Christian Right in significant and damaging ways.

Let me amplify both points slightly. It seems to me very much of a stretch to say that the era of the Christian Right is "over" when the movement has built an infrastructure and a set of institutions that the so-called Christian Left can only dream about. With or without Falwell, the Arlington Group-the nerve center and steering committee of the movement-continues to function, the movement's fundraising capacity has never been greater, its next-generation leadership development continues to be incredibly effective, and its electoral machinery (501(c)(3) rules be damned!) remains in place.

Indeed.

And here is part of what Laarman sees as left out of the "common ground" agenda:

One does not see or hear systemic critiques of the free market ideology that ensures immiseration abroad and the proliferation of low-wage jobs domestically-and that, parenthetically, guarantees a continuing massive influx of desperate immigrants.

One does not hear critiques, either theological or practical, of the overall imperial project that gives us wars of choice and over 1500 U.S. overseas military bases. One does not hear a strong rousing defense of the presumption of innocence, habeas corpus, or other foundational principles of the Constitutional system. One does not even hear a clarion call for a return to progressive taxation: the one thing that could actually fund an attack on child poverty and a decent universal system of health care.

Most importantly, one hears nothing at all about the close connections between poverty and women's reproductive health, or about poverty and the oppressive religio-juridical strictures against women's rights in effect in this and many other countries.

I think it is fair to add that the growing warm and fuzzy common groundism that is leaving eyes moist and hearts softened at the expense of the poor while turning a blind eye to the historic excesses of major corporations -- also leaves a great deal of ground eroded in areas of separation of church and state, including and especially, the radical retreat in even using the phrase -- as proposed by Democratic Party consultants Mara Vanderslice and Eric Sapp.

I think that Laarman is onto something important. The urge for common ground is natural enough; we all prefer unity over division; and many of us find the culture war rather tiresome or at least tiring.  But I find that too many appeals to common ground, are as Laarman says, more about capitulation on important matters of principle and public policy rather than authentic approaches to finding unity amidst differences. This is a common ground that is far more exclusive than it is inclusive.  I wrote awhile back:  

It really should go without saying that becoming the religious right is not the best way to counter it.

I also wrote, regarding the matter of church & state and the Dems:

Of course, most folks, no matter how well-educated or involved in public life, are not necessarily up on such details; and how politicians navigate these things can be tricky. I appreciate that, and I really don't care whether a pol goes around saying "separation of church and state" or not. That is not my point.

It is, however, not unreasonable to expect that candidates for relevant state and national offices will respect and understand the term and what it means. This is a very significant area of constitutional thought that has evolved over a long period of time. It is not something about which anyone should be glib, underinformed, or entirely silent.
My main point here is that the reason that Vanderslice feels she has to get Democratic pols to not use the term is because it has been effectively demonized by the Religious Right, and their gaggle of historical revisionists, in the service of Christian nationalism. One cannot effectively contend for power with Christian nationalism over the long haul without the clear, unambiguous doctrine of separation church and state as a guidepost. The attack on the phrase has been going on for a long time as the Religious Right political movement -- one of the largest and most powerful in American history -- continues to play a major role in American public life. But Vanderslice argues that Democratic politicians should abandon the phrase, and in effect, concede the point. And she does so by utilizing the Religious Right's main talking point as her rationale: The phrase does not appear in, and does not accurately represent the meaning of the First Amendment. Well, Mara Vanderslice, Nino Scalia's gotta be lovin' it

I think Laarman's take away lesson is that we need to listen carefully when phrases like common ground and especially moderation, are invoked.  Both terms may very well leave out things that many, even most people care about. Depending on who is using them, they may mean that such values as economic justice, reproductive rights, gay and lesbian civil rights, and separation of church and state occupy ground they would rather not be held in common. Having seized the definitions of moderation and/or common ground, the unstated definition is both disingenuous and reactionary, albeit presented in soothing tones and careful diction that may not sound anything like Falwell -- but nevertheless silently champion his legacy more powerfully than many a Falwell wannabe.




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when self-styled "moderates" seeking "common ground," particularly among "people of faith" become the religious right in ways that won't be noticed until its too late?

by Frederick Clarkson on Thu May 17, 2007 at 12:25:50 AM EST

you and Laarman are making some very good points.

As for the future of the Christian Right, I was encouraged to hear what Bill Leonard had to say. Leonard is a church historian with a Southern Baptist background and now dean of the Wake Forest University Divinity School.

An excerpt from an article in Christianity Today:
(http://www.christianitytoday.com/ct/2007/mayweb-only/120-32.0.htm l)

Despite Falwell's unquestioned influence, younger megachurch pastors have not followed his lead in politics, Leonard said.

"His death may be the end of an era of megachurch pastors who participate extensively in conservative political issues," Leonard said. "With some exceptions, the new generation of megachurch pastors are just not as interested in politicizing their ministries as Falwell did."

by Carlos on Thu May 17, 2007 at 02:46:11 AM EST

Falwell and other political pastors were very high profile, but lots of pastors never got political in the way that Falwell and others did -- including many megachurch pastors.  

Megachurches are a certain kind of religio/community/consumer product that have filled certain kinds of community voids in vast middle class suburbs and exurbs.  That some young(er) megachurch pastors are not political, or not as political, or differently political proves little in terms of the dynamics of the religious right, IMO.  One would first have to show that something has changed, and I am just not persuaded that that is the case. Seems to me that the main thing that is different, is that evangelicals who are NOT hard rightists are finally getting some attention from the media.

I think it is a mistaken presumption that megachuches were ever the base of the religious right as an organized movement. If that were the case, Rick Warren would be a top political leader with the Purpose Driven Coalition or some such thing.  There are a lot of churches in the U.S. and not all that many megachurches.

by Frederick Clarkson on Thu May 17, 2007 at 04:07:52 AM EST
Parent

megachurches are on their own track and often detached from the more focused and organized elements of the religious right, but I think Leonard's observation is still accurate and relevant as far as it goes.

As to Rick Warren, things get a little complicated to pin down. He is both part of and not part of the religious right. He is no Dobson or Perkins, but he may be just as politicaly influential but in different ways.

by Carlos on Thu May 17, 2007 at 10:45:25 AM EST
Parent

are on their own track, but individually, not collectively. I am unaware of any formal data regarding megachurches and politics.

Lots of ministers of all kinds, and long before megachurches (at least as we currently define them) may be politically influential without being part of an organized movement. Warren is a perfect example, especially recently.

by Frederick Clarkson on Thu May 17, 2007 at 12:45:19 PM EST
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The most troubling person explored in my film, "Theologians Under Hitler," is (in my opinion) Paul Althaus, who saw himself as a bridge between left and right factions in the church.  He frequently criticized both the pro-Nazi Deutsche Cristen AND the Confessing Church as a way of staying in the middle.  But he also was put forth as a candidate for bishop in his region because he was not too closely associated with either side.

The problem is that in that time and place, being in the "middle" put him squarely in the Nazi camp.  There are times when one cannot stand in the middle.  Thanks for helping us see that today.

by Steven D. Martin on Thu May 17, 2007 at 06:21:17 AM EST


Rod Parsley was at the ceremony in which GWB signed the so-called Partial Birth Abortion Bill.

He came away noting that all of the ministers  invited to the ceremony, Falwell, Sheldon, Dobson,
Roberson and others whom I don't remember, were all old men and there needed to be younger ministers raised up take their place.

It remains to be seen if Falwell's mantel will fall on Parsley who during the 2004 election ran frantically around the country rallying ministers from churches large and small

by JerrySloan on Fri May 18, 2007 at 05:51:14 AM EST


the "common ground" route and engage in discussions with religious conservatives should be very careful, and should preferably make sure they keep all such discussions on tape.
A few years back, monitoring right-wing religious AM radio, I was startled to hear some antiabortion activists describe their clear victory over prochoice counterparts in most extravagant terms. (I believe it was on one of Beverly LaHaye's Concerned Women for America weekday broadcasts.) The prochoice women whom the right-wingers had quoted were shocked to hear what they were described as saying and denied it all unequivocally. At the time I concluded it was simply another episode in the American religious right's long-running war on the truth.

by nogodsnomasters on Fri May 18, 2007 at 06:27:16 PM EST
One should beware of xn radio for good cause beyond misstating the truth as half-truth and therefore harder to pin down. They are shameless! Americans United had them on their 'top 10' list as threats to America at least 8 years ago, and it has gotten even worse, IMO. A pox on their house(s)!

Incidentally, the TIC maxim 'Say nothing but good of the dead' or its cousin corollary, 'Say nothing bad of the dead until he is buried,'[!] is not being followed in Falwell's case. In fact, it has become almost something sacramental to give the bloated fat walrus his due: touche!
Arden c. Hander

by achbird65 on Wed May 23, 2007 at 02:46:46 PM EST
Parent



were putting forth these ideas.  I guess it's because I'm paying more attention to The Trinity Broadcasting Network and our three highly-rated talk-radio stations.  Our newest is basically Townhall.com radio.  Lots of commercials about Christian employment, Christian Medical funding orgs, etc.

The way the Christian broadcasters have targeted blacks should be of great concern.  I watch The Blindboys of Alabama or Ma and Pa Winons segue into Hagee preach anti-Islam stuff, then onto a segment about the being a Christian nation and slamming the idea of seperation of Church and State, followed by some black women discussing relationships followed by Rod Parsley shouting "Dominion Now".  And by the way, send money and God will love you.

And all day long on those AM station the message is clear and constant.  Everything bad is the liberals fault.  Liberals are insane.  Liberals are traitors.  Liberals want your guns and your children to make you slaves.

Some middle ground.

by tribalecho on Sat May 19, 2007 at 02:48:21 PM EST


you read the diary.  As I wrote up top, the comments, (like the post itself) are five years old, and Carlos has not hung out here for a long time.

by Frederick Clarkson on Mon Feb 13, 2012 at 11:06:25 PM EST

In the wake of Jerry Falwell's passing, many have taken to opining about the Religious Right and its impact on American society. While many of these opinions are under-informed and erroneous, there are some intelligent assessments to be found. Rev. Peter Laarman notes that the success of the Religious Right is in large part due to the capitulation of others in the name of "common ground. Peter Veres real estate agent " This viewpoint has been underestimated and could have significant and damaging consequences if not addressed. It is important to approach this issue with informed and nuanced perspectives.

by isabelladom on Mon May 08, 2023 at 11:42:37 PM EST


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