While one can debate whether the Christian Right is THE most powerful force in American politics, it is not a debate worth having. The Christian Right, (or the somewhat broader Religious Right), has long been powerful enough so that it merits being, well, a lot more than so poorly understood that otherwise sensible people can be led to believe that the Religious Right is dead. Let's pay closer and better attention, and incorporate what we learn into our politics, our journalism and our scholarship. To get there, we will need to become much more conversant in such standard terms as theonomy, theocracy, Christian Reconstructionism, and yes, the recently (but unjustifiably) controversial term, dominionism. And these terms will need to better and more frequently used by the political and journalism communities. You can't evaluate what you don't understand and have no words to describe. According to the Times, the current phase of electoral activism

"...has substantial muscle behind it: a cadre of experienced Christian organizers and some of the conservative movement's most generous donors, who are setting up technologically sophisticated operations to reach pastors and their congregations in battleground states. The passion for politics stems from a collision of historic forces, including heightened local organizing around the issues of abortion and gay marriage and a view of the country's debt as a moral crisis that violates biblical instruction. Another major factor: Both Texas Gov. Rick Perry and Bachmann, contenders for the GOP nomination, are openly appealing to evangelical Christian voters as they blast President Obama's leadership."

We saw some of this new style, new media-driven activism in its pilot stage in 2010, staged by Newt Gingrich in cooperation with Christian Right leaders, notably Jim Garlow, who ran the successful no on Prop 8 campaign in California, and Lou Engle, whose event The Call, Sacramento was used as an organizing focus around the country via live streaming and video. Top New Apostolic Reformation figures were conspicuous in their leadership roles, as I reported at the time. Another important part of the story is the dynamic, animating role Christian nationalism is playing in the new wave of Christian Right activism. The Times story underscores this by featuring the previously politically uninvolved Rev. Mike Demastus of Fort Des Moines Church of Christ, as epitomizing the the new wave of politically engaged pastors, and how a tale of Christian nationalist legend helps to animate his activism. And as we have seen, history, even bogus history, can be powerful. The paper reported:

"There is a fire in my bones to do this," Demastus said, citing the passion of a Revolutionary War pastor who dropped his ministerial robes before his congregation to reveal the uniform of the Continental Army. The story of the Rev. Peter Muhlenberg telling his flock "there is a time to pray and a time to fight" was repeated across Iowa this summer, as pastors signed up worshipers to become "prayer warriors" and, they said, help take the country back to its Christian roots.

Chris Rodda has demonstrated that the legend of Rev. Muhlenberg is only that, a legend -- but it is the kind of story, that has been manipulated to provide a model for what it means to be a certain kind of revolutionary dominionist Christian. It has been used in that way for many years. I recall first hearing about it in the mid-90s when a militia proponent preacher Rev. Greg Dixon not only used the story but actually opened his robes to reveal a Revolutionary Army outfit himself at a conference at his church. Rodda wrote:

The Muhlenberg myth has been around for a long time, but, as seemingly harmless myths like this one often do when politically useful, it has recently become even more popular, being a dramatic example to use as part of an historical justification for exempting churches from the modern day I.R.S. regulations prohibiting the preaching of politics from the pulpit.

Indeed. That is exactly what Rev.Greg Dixon did. The feds were losing patience in resolving his long standing issue with the IRS. Dixon did not believe in deducting federal payroll taxes for employees of his church, so he didn't. When, after many years of wrangling, the feds threatened action, Dixon called on the then-prominent Michigan Militia to stand with his church against the feds if necessary, and they agreed to do so. The U.S Marshals, wanting to avoid another Waco disaster, patiently waited for the right moment to seize the church and sell off its assets. Which they did. But as the Times article points out, the Alliance Defense Fund, the main legal arm of the Religious Right, is encouraging churches to defy the rules of the privilege of federal tax-exemption, by preaching partisan political engagement from the pulpit on October 2. The ADF has been doing this for several elections now, with limited success. But the effort has grown in sophistication, and predictably predicts massive participation by clergy this year. While that remains to be seen, the argument that the rules of federal tax-exemption are unfair or an effort to suppress free speech are as bogus as the story of Rev. Muhlenberg. Indeed, the rules of tax exemption are as simple and fair as they are subject to abuse by slick dominionist preachers and GOP political operatives. I wrote about the IRS' fresh educational campaign on this point in 2008. The simplest official statement of the rule is this:

"...all section 501(c)(3) organizations are absolutely prohibited from directly or indirectly participating in, or intervening in, any political campaign on behalf of (or in opposition to) any candidate for elective public office."

Basically, if you wish donors to be able to make tax exempt donations, and if you want your institution not to have to pay taxes on income and even sales taxes for supplies, you have to agree not to use your tax-exempt agency or its resources to intervene in elections. It ain't rocket science. One can argue the wisdom of it, but any preacher can endorse, make campaign contributions or campaign for whomever he or she wants to: But as an individual and not on behalf of the church or using its assets. But ADF treats the matter of the 501(c)(3) tax-exemption as if it is a right, not a privilege, conditioned by adherence to some reasonable rules. Listen to their one minute video:

Speak Up Movement Promo from Josh Garlow on Vimeo.

The never-dead Religious Right has been in a state of transition for a decade, as the founding generation has passed the torch, and the organizations and institutions they founded had to find their way out of the shadow of famous founders, and as younger leaders find their own roles. That process is still underway.